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From the November-December, 1995 issue (Vol. 3 No. 1) |
There exist at least four successive versions (or falsifications) of Silvia Duran's so-called statement of November 23, 1963, to the Mexican DFS (Direccion Federal de Seguridad), about her interviews of Oswald in the Cuban Consulate. The successive changes mirror the shift in the Mexico City CIA Station's view of Oswald, from a “phase-one” position (Oswald was part of a Cuban Communist conspiracy) to a more standard “phase-two” position (Oswald was a lone nut). From other sources we learn that the DFS itself, as well as the CIA Station, pushed the “conspiracy” story hard in their November 23 interview. Revisions to the Duran statement seem also designed to bring her story into line with an alleged telephone intercept of “Oswald” at the Cuban Consulate on September 28, 1963, when in fact he was not there. In protecting this falsified intercept from exposure, the DFS was probably protecting itself as well as the CIA; for the DFS was involved in the LIENVOY intercept project and probably manned the listening posts. Unmistakably Staff D, the small secretive part of CIA in which the CIA-Mafia plots were housed, controlled the LIENVOY intercept intake inside the Mexico City CIA station (Ann Goodpasture, the responsible officer, was a member of Staff D).
Both Ruby and the DFS had links to the Mexico-Chicago drug traffic, dating back to the 1940s. The DFS and the Mexican drug traffic became increasingly intertwined after 1963. The last two DFS Chiefs were indicted for smuggling and for murder. The DFS itself was nominally closed down in the midst of Mexico's 1985 drug scandals. Jose Antonio Zorrilla, the ex-DFS chief arrested and indicted in 1989 for murder, was in 1963 private secretary to Fernando Gutierrez Barrios, the DFS agent whose signature attested to the validity of the most radically altered version of Duran's statement. At least two ex-DFS officers who were also former CIA agents have been named by the New York Times in connection with the Colosio assassination of 1994. One of these, ex-DFS Chief Miguel Nazar Haro, was also involved in the investigation of the John F. Kennedy assassination.
What should most concern us in this deep political interaction between the CIA and a criminal DFS is the CIA's protection of at least one guilty DFS leader (Miguel Nazar Haro) from deserved prosecution in U.S. courts. This protection should be evaluated in the light of the CIA immunity granted to Sam Giancana in 1961 and the Warren Commission's false isolation of Ruby from the Giancana-Yaras-Patrick Chicago mob in 1964.
Thus it is important that the ARRB recognize the substantive relevance of the DFS. It should press for the release of the Mexican Government documentation of its investigation. It should also release information about the DFS in CIA records that is relevant to anomalies in the handling of the case.
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